Having a totally normal day emailing the author of the 1984 paper "Thermoregulation and Oxygen Consumption during Terrestrial Locomotion by White- Crowned Sparrows" to ask him if he might have any pictures of sparrows on tiny treadmills.
The SAGE Encyclopedia of Terrorism, Second Edition by Gus Martin, Editor, 2011
A thoroughly updated and expanded edition of the original, highly regarded reference work. Nearly 100,000 words of new material were added, along with fully updated original entries, and expanded coverage. New introductory essays explore the impact of terrorism on economics, public health, religion, and even pop culture.
Non fate caso al nuovo buco nel postaggio, ieri come avevo promesso ho tradotto The Question di Ren’Py e inviato la pull request, chissà quando pure questa verrà unita all’upstream quindi… a giudicare da come sono state gestite le traduzioni in passato lì, avverrà o a giorni o giusto per la prossima release. Per il Tutorial ora non so quando riuscirò a completare la traduzione, ma comunque, ho fatto caso al fatto che entrambe le novel dimostrative non sono messe online per essere testate senza scaricare l’SDK, e non credo che altri lo abbiano già fatto, quindi… perché no? Possono tornare utili per #reference al volo da qualunque dispositivo. 🌚️
Allora ho deciso di creare una paginetta #collezione per raccogliere queste ultime due cose, anche per sperimentare di più con #RenPy, più altre che avrei già in mente, che sicuramente torneranno utili nel breve futuro. Quattro cose in programma da esplorare sono: il bundling dei giochi in file HTML standalone, la generazione di pacchetti per piattaforme diverse tramite web (e nello specifico, la generazione di pacchetti nativi a partire dal binario HTML), miglioramenti radicali alla schermata di caricamento web, e l’adattamento dello schermo a qualsiasi rapporto d’aspetto. E posso metterle tutte in ordine su: https://octt.itch.io/a-renpy-demo-box/. 🎰️
Ho caricato la #pagina su Itch, come avevo accennato, perché so già che per alcune di queste robe dovrò andare oltre il limite di 100 MB per file delle pagine Git, e a parte il mio server in casa (dove ho poco spazio libero) non saprei quindi dove mettere tutto. Ma forse è buono, è capace che più gente la trovi e ne goda, che ne so… E, per evitare di impazzire caricando due volte gli ZIP per permettere il download a chi vuole, ho deciso di usare JSZip per aggiungere un tastino che, beh, scarica lato client tutti i file del server e li zippa per gli utenti; molto lmao in quanto creare cartelle compresse a livello 9 con un linguaggio interpretato non è velocissimo (potrebbero servire da decine di secondi a minuti), ma funziona bene. ✨️
21st Century Anthropology: A Reference Handbook by H. James Birx, 2010
Highlights the most important topics, issues, questions, and debates any student obtaining a degree in the field of anthropology ought to have mastered for effectiveness in the 21st century.
"In the heart of electronic music, a groundbreaking endeavor has been unveiled, set to shake the very foundations of the trance scene. A new database has emerged, meticulously collecting 150,000 classic trance tracks spanning the era from 1988 to 2009."
Isms and Ologies: 453 Difficult Doctrines You've Always Pretended to Understand
What's the difference between an anarchist and an anarcho-syndicalist, a Platonist and a Neo-Platonist? And how modern can Modernism really be if all the famous modernists are dead?
Depression is the second most disabling disorder in the world. On a daily basis, virtually all mental health professionals confront patients with primary or secondary depression. The wealth of information available globally on depression is enormous, but has not been summarized into a comprehensive encyclopedia-until now.
#NFC geeks/nerds: where can I buy NFC cards with a #ST25TA64K chip? It seems that is the chip with the biggest storage available? Or do you know of other standard type 4 tags with 8kB or more?
@jwildeboer@rena2019@mwfc Which sounds good and I think adding value and functios beyond #ICAO9303's nbare minimum makes sense, as any #reference implementation should in theory offer everything as per spec at once to showcase the capabilities...
Yacobi, Haim. 2016. “From ‘Ethnocracity’ to Urban Apartheid: A View from Jerusalem\al-Quds.” Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 8 (3): 100–114.
Over the past 20 years, changes in demographic control, militarization, and state violence have radically transformed the city from an ethnocracity into an urban apartheid.
An ethnocracity refers to a city where a dominant ethnic group appropriates and controls the city apparatus to produce a contested, unstable space. Jerusalem was previously theorized as an ethnocracity.
Urban apartheid combines ethnic exclusion and segregation with market-driven forces like privatization, gentrification, and tourism planning. It relies less on formal legal structures and more on economic restructuring.
Urban apartheid intentionally segregates groups and allocates resources/rights based on race rather than residency. It is an intentional creation reflecting ideology and policy goals of domination, not just individual choices.
#reference/ Chances for Peace: Missed Opportunities in the Arab-Israeli Conflict. University of Texas Press, 2015.
“Drawing on a newly developed theoretical definition of “missed opportunity,” Chances for Peace uses extensive sources in English, Hebrew, and Arabic to systematically measure the potentiality levels of opportunity across some ninety years of attempted negotiations in the Arab-Israeli conflict.
With enlightening revelations that defy conventional wisdom, this study provides a balanced account of the most significant attempts to forge peace, initiated by the world’s superpowers, the Arabs (including the Palestinians), and Israel.
From Arab-Zionist negotiations at the end of World War I to the subsequent partition, the aftermath of the 1967 War and the Sadat Initiative, and numerous agreements throughout the 1980s and 1990s, concluding with the Annapolis Conference in 2007 and the Abu Mazen-Olmert talks in 2008, pioneering scholar Elie Podeh uses empirical criteria and diverse secondary sources to assess the protagonists’ roles at more than two dozen key junctures.
A resource that brings together historiography, political science, and the practice of peace negotiation, Podeh’s insightful exploration also showcases opportunities that were not missed. Three agreements in particular (Israeli-Egyptian, 1979; Israeli-Lebanese, 1983; and Israeli-Jordanian, 1994) illuminate important variables for forging new paths to successful negotiation.
By applying his framework to a broad range of power brokers and time periods, Podeh also sheds light on numerous incidents that contradict official narratives. This unique approach is poised to reshape the realm of conflict resolution.”
#reference / Solidarity and the Palestinian Cause: Indigeneity, Blackness, and the Promise of Universality. Zahi Zalloua (2023).
[…] Foregrounding Palestinian Indigeneity reframes the Palestinian-Israeli conflict as a problem of wrongful dispossession, a historical harm that continues to be inflicted on the population under the brutal Occupation of the West Bank and #Gaza. At the same time, in a global context marked by liberal democratic ideology, such an approach leads either to liberal tolerance – the minority is permitted to exist so long as their culture can be contained within the majority order – or racial separatism, that is, appeals for national independence typically embodied in the two-state solution.
#reference / The Catholic Church, anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism
from Theodor Herzl's personal diaries [English translation]; Book I, May-June 17, 1895:
[...] Anti-Semitism has grown and continues to grow — and so do I.
[...] I can still recall two different conceptions of the Question and its solution which I had in the course of those years. About two years ago I wanted to solve the Jewish Question, at least in Austria, with the help of the Catholic Church. I wished to gain access to the Pope (not without first assuring myself of the support of the Austrian church dignitaries) and say to him: Help us against the anti-Semites and I will start a great movement for the free and honorable conversion of Jews to Christianity.
[...] And because the Jewish leaders would remain Jews, escorting the people only to the threshold of the church and themselves staying outside, the whole performance was to be elevated by a touch of great candor.
[...] We, the steadfast men, would have constituted the last generation.
#reference / Zwi Migdal (or Zvi Migdal) was a Polish-Jewish-run, most profitable prostitution ring in South America and beyond
Apropos Jeffrey Epstein’s unsealed court documents , his real heritage is possibly Zwi Migdal - a Jewish global crime syndicate trafficking Jewish women as sex slaves.
#reference / Shlaim, Avi, Nadim Rouhana, Andre Zaaiman, and Na’eem Jeenah. 2012. “Pretending Democracy: Israel, an Ethnocratic State.”
My central thesis in this chapter is that the iron wall was a national strategy to which rival Zionist political camps subscribed during both the pre-independence and the post-independence periods. In other words, it will be argued that there was a remarkable convergence between main- stream Labour Zionism and right-wing Revisionist Zionism when it came to the Arab question and that this convergence persisted after 1948 under the Labor Party, Likud, and Kadima. To say this is not to deny the exist- ence of deep differences between the rival political camps. Clearly, there was always a European-style ideological divergence between the left and right wing on social, economic and political issues. Nor is it to deny that there were also significant differences when it came to the Arab question. Rather, the argument is that while left and right were divided on the territorial aims of Zionism, they were united on the strategy of the iron wall. Revisionist Zionism staked a claim to a Jewish state over the whole of the British mandate of Palestine, including Transjordan. Labour Zionists, on the other hand, accepted the principle of the partition of Palestine into two states, one Jewish and one Arab. At the risk of over-simplification, the two groups may therefore be described as territorial maximalists and territorial realists. Yet – and this is the crucial point – regardless of the extent of their territorial ambition, the two groups understood that, given the absolute Arab rejection of the whole idea, a Jewish state could be established only by force of arms.
#reference / Shlaim, Avi, Nadim Rouhana, Andre Zaaiman, and Na’eem Jeenah. 2012. “Pretending Democracy: Israel, an Ethnocratic State.”
The "Iron Wall" doctrine is a political strategy proposed by Zionist leader Ze'ev Jabotinsky in 1923. Knowing very well European Jewish presence in Palestine would never be accepted, It advocated for the establishment of a Jewish state as a so-called "iron wall". The doctrine argued that Zionists should prioritize building up their own military and economic power without making any concessions to Arab interests or seeking Arab cooperation.
[...] My central thesis in this chapter is that the iron wall was a national strategy to which rival Zionist political camps subscribed during both the pre-independence and the post-independence periods. In other words, it will be argued that there was a remarkable convergence between mainstream Labour Zionism and right-wing Revisionist Zionism when it came to the Arab question and that this convergence persisted after 1948 under the Labor Party, Likud, and Kadima. To say this is not to deny the existence of deep differences between the rival political camps. Clearly, there was always a European-style ideological divergence between the left and right wing on social, economic and political issues. Nor is it to deny that there were also significant differences when it came to the Arab question. Rather, the argument is that while left and right were divided on the territorial aims of Zionism, they were united on the strategy of the iron wall. Revisionist Zionism staked a claim to a Jewish state over the whole of the British mandate of Palestine, including Transjordan. Labour Zionists, on the other hand, accepted the principle of the partition of Palestine into two states, one Jewish and one Arab. At the risk of over-simplification, the two groups may therefore be described as territorial maximalists and territorial realists. Yet – and this is the crucial point – regardless of the extent of their territorial ambition, the two groups understood that, given the absolute Arab rejection of the whole idea, a Jewish state could be established only by force of arms.
#reference/ Tabar, Linda, and Samia Al-Botmeh. 2021. “Real Estate Development Through Land Grabs: Predatory Accumulation and Precarity in Palestine.” New Political Economy 26 (5): 783–96. https://doi.org/10.1080/13563467.2020.1849083
Global capitalist dynamics within the settler colonial realities in #Palestine, examining the implications for Palestinians struggling to remain on their land